24 April 2016 "Gender Dynamics Inherent in the Witchcraft and Sorcery Discourses of African Traditional Religions"

An essay written for a theology course taken at the University of Cape Town. 

In many types of African Traditional Religions, there is represented a type of “dark magic” performed by human beings. Though different ethnic groups have different definitions/names for this dark magic and for those who perform it, Westerners have universally dubbed this dark magic as “witchcraft”. And though there are many discrepancies in different African ethnic groups about what exactly a “witch” is, in almost every culture they are feared by all as powerful, unpredictable forces. What can be understood from David Westerlund’s essay “Witchery Among the Sukuma, Kongo, and Yoruba”, and JDY Peel’s piece regarding “Gender in Yoruba Religious Change” is that African Traditional Religions’ understanding of “witchraft” and the gender dymanics inherent in it are complex. These complexities are made only more so by attempting to adopt a Western understanding of such non-Western concepts.
            The concept of “witchcraft”, though inherently unique within each, is extremely similar within the Sukuma, Kongo, and Yoruba. In order to provide clarification of the concept, I have chosen to briefly define witchcraft within each of the three ethnic groups, focusing on a more in-depth definition of the concept as understood within the realm of the Sukuma and the Kongo, and a more in-depth analysis regarding the gender themes inherent in Yorubaland. In this way I hope to highlight the most important themes of witchcraft in African Traditional Religions.
The Sukuma use the term bulogi to refer to a human being who practices magic, or to refer to what Westerners call “black magic” in general. The balogi are assumed by some to practice their evil through extraordinary powers, and by others through techniques of sorcery.[1] Misfortune that occurs is often attributed to the presence of balogi. For instance, it is commonly known by the Sukuma that balogi are frequently responsible for illnesses such as: “meningitis, nervous disorders, mental afflictions, venereal diseases and sterility”.[2]
Though both women and men can be accused of being balogi, it happens that women are more typically accused than men. Interestingly, it is often the wives of polygamous men who are most often accused of being balogi.[3] This is perhaps due in part to inequality within polygamous households—younger wives might feel jealous of the power held by senior wives and make a witch accusation in order to “solve” their problems.
However, “extraordinary power”[4] is not limited to the realm of the balogi. Chiefs (balemi) and healers (bafumu) are also believed to have powers greater than those of regular people. These powers, unlike that of the balogi, are typically used for good rather than evil. Bafimu are respected by the Sukuma.[5]
The belief in witchcraft is believed to have increased within the Sukuma in recent decades, despite the spread of Christianity. This increase has led to a further belief in the balogi being a core cause of illness and misfortune. As a result, there have been increased instances of witchery accusations, and killings of the accused. A common occurrence is the killing of accused women by groups of men.[6]
            The Kongo people believe in a concept referred to as kundoki, a term which, very similar to the Sukuma term of bulogi, can be understood by Westerners as both “witchery” and sorcery”. However, the concept of kundoki highlights the special importance of witchcraft specifically.[7]
            Kundoki is dubbed as a morally ambivalent superpower; in other words, it is not inherently good or bad on its own. Instead, it can be utilized by humans in whichever way they choose. For instance, chiefs and healers, otherwise known as banganga, have historically been believed by the Kongo people to utilize kundoki with purely good intentions. However, witches and sorcerers, known by the Kongo people as bandoki, use kundoki for more evil, destructive means.[8] Almost every illness can be attributed to bandoki, or kundoki, including those illnesses that cause men or women to be unable to reproduce.[9]
            Among the Yoruba, almost everyone, regardless of their age, sex, or status, believes fiercely in the existence of dark magic. Among the Yoruba, witchcraft is believed to be the most common cause of death. Illnesses having to do with inability to reproduce or with pregnancy difficulties/birth defects are almost always assumed to be the work of witchcraft.[10]
            Witchcraft in Yoruba society is an anomaly—in a society very much less gendered than Western society, witchcraft represents a highly stigmatized, highly gendered system of belief. As JDY Peel explains: “There was a strong gender bias in the social arrangements for the detection and punishment of witches.”[11]To be accused of witchcraft in Yoruba society is a very serious offense, and many women have been lynched by angry people, whipped to death, or expelled from their communities. Like the Sukuma, it is common for the killing of witches to be reserved as jobs for men.
            There is an interesting explanation for this phenomenon. Among the Yoruba, as among other African ethnic groups, the realm of giving life is reserved for women. This is what makes witches so heinous—to be a woman who takes life away instead of giving it is an unforgivable offense.[12] Therefore, the reasoning behind many witches being killed by groups of men is that it keeps women outside the realm of killing.
            An interesting perspective to consider is the involvement of Westernization in the realm of gender dynamics within African Traditional Religions. After all, defining the unique phenomenon of the balogi and bandoki universally as “witchcraft” is a Western construct. Does this mean that much of the gender dynamics present in African Traditional Religions are also Western constructs?
            The answer is both yes and no. While the introduction of such tradition as Christianity certainly has had an impact on African Traditional Religions, is would be naïve to assume that certain African Traditional Religions pre-Westernization existed in a completely genderless way. Instead, it is important to recognize how these gender dynamics have existed both in the past and in the present. 





















References:
Peel, JDY. 2002. “Gender in Yoruba Religious Change.” Journal of Religion in Africa
32, 2: 136-166.
Westerlund, David. 2006. “Witchery among the Sukuma, Kongo, and Yoruba.” In
African Indigenous Religions and Disease Causation: from Spiritual Beings to
Living Humans, 165-188. Leiden: Brill.



[1] Westerlund, David. 2006. “Witchery among the Sukuma, Kongo, and Yoruba.” In African Indigenous Religions and Disease Causation: from Spiritual Beings to Living Humans, 165-188. Leiden: Brill.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Peel, JDY. 2002. “Gender in Yoruba Religious Change.” Journal of Religion in Africa 32, 2: 136-166.
[12] Ibid.

Comments

Popular Posts